Peace agreements generally provide external security by involving third-party co-negotiators and peacekeeping forces as guarantors of peace during the negotiation phase. What is usually lacking in peace negotiations is the broad participation of citizens. What is usually present is an over-emphasis on power-sharing among veterans. In Northern Ireland, Burundi and Cyprus, there has been an attempt to change power-sharing agreements, and it is very difficult to reach an agreement between the actors in the conflict. Where power-sharing focuses on the integration of armed actors into a transitional regime, these actors must continue to hope for post-transition power, so that they are encouraged to transition. If an agreement has any mention of power-sharing in the national institutions of the central government involving the different groups or parties. In the recent peace processes in Liberia, Côte d`Ivoire and the Central African Republic, the international community has allowed power-sharing that benefits armed rebel movements. Other outcomes in these three cases are that if power-sharing agreements are to guarantee some form of political equality for marginalized groups, they may need to be supported as an indeterminate regime, rather than constantly being pressured to be dismantled. Any push for reform of power-sharing agreements must be accompanied by realistic alternative mechanisms to ensure political equality between groups if group identities remain politically open, in order to have a chance of success.

Access to political power: women and the sharing of political power in peace processes, Bell, 2018 political power-sharing agreements can be temporary – allowing power to be divided in transitional government agreements until elections; indeterminate – intends to allow the political hosting of groups in a new constitutional regulation. Some literary conflicts argue that power-sharing gives veterans a sense of security and promotes the implementation of peace agreements. Among the most recent peace settlements in Africa are important power-sharing agreements. However, only those at the negotiating table were included in future power agreements. Many of these colonies have achieved, at best, an ambivalent peace; others have been real failures. There are examples of the collapse of political power-sharing before they are reformed differently. In 10 cases of peace processes that involve more than a comprehensive agreement with political rules of power-sharing. The St Andrews agreement for Northern Ireland is an example. Power-sharing agreements aim to reduce the risk of civil conflict by guaranteeing potential belligerents a role in a country`s government, thereby reducing the use of political conflicts.

In this way, power-sharing reduces the risk that the cheerleaders will resort to violence if they do not succeed in the democratic election campaign process. While power-sharing can reduce the incentive for losers to renounce their commitment to democracy, we argue that it depends on the nature of the groups involved and the elected political institutions. The ability of power-sharing agreements to promote civil peace therefore depends in part on the relative military capacity of combatants and the potential role of spoilers. The ideal environment for power-sharing to build peace is when the parties are balanced and the cost of war is relatively high. On the other hand, when groups are less homogeneous and the costs of war are low, the distribution of power means a non-proportional distribution of power and positive incentives or cheerleaders.